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: The role of criminal law in EU data protection law (reflection 3)Let us return to criminal law and the short provision on data protection crimes. Is Article 84 GDPR and its compactness the result of negligence? In the past we emphasized that the objective of the Regulation (to take away differences between Member States) is not served by the open nature of the said provision.[1] A more complete implementation survey is needed to take stock about possible divergences in this regard. Why has the GDPR accepted a double regime, one harmonized (Article 83 GDPR), and another open (Article 84 GDPR)? One reason is the organization of EU criminal law. A regulation can impose on Member States to introduce criminal sanctions in generic terms, but the details have to be spelled out in a directive. Yet this does not explain the sloppy legal basis for the use of criminal law in the GDPR. What does Article 84 mean when it states that “Member States shall lay down the rules on other penalties applicable to infringements of this Regulation in particular for infringements which are not subject to administrative fines pursuant to Article 83”? Considering the long list of administrative infringements targeted in Article 83 GDPR, what is left over for criminalization? Recital 149 GDPR hardly adds more clarification, but comes up with pragmatic arguments to use criminal law (now and then): if criminal law is applied, an extra law enforcement toolbox is opened with far-reaching enforcement powers in the area of money laundering and asset confiscation and of course the possibility of full reliance on the police apparatus. These pragmatic reasons to rely on criminal law are well-known but have caused many conflicts of principle for thecriminal law system which encompasses the most severe instrument at a state’s disposal in times of peace and is therefore designed to be a last resort enforcement system. Encouraging use of criminal law for pragmatic reasons (“you can have the police for free”) is in part neglecting these foundations for opportunistic motives, a development that has led worldwide to overuse of criminal law systems in Western states that are supposed to prioritise liberty by avoiding too much criminal law.[2] The EU contributes to overuse by poorly guiding Member States in their use of criminal sanctions, combined or not with administrative sanctions. Mitsilegas and Vavoula question the effectiveness of current EU sanctioning practices by pointing at EU anti-money laundering law, also poor in its guidance about the use of criminal law. It is questionable, both authors observe, whether this lack of harmonization contributes towards the effectiveness of EU law in the field. If the choice of the EU legislator has sanctioned an infringement administratively, then the choices of Member States to “goldplate” implementation by imposing criminal sanctions should be limited by the requirement to ensure the effectiveness of EU law. In the name of effectiveness de-criminalization, rather than over-criminalization could be the outcome! The Belgian Data Protection Authority was already referred to several times in this contribution for its stubborn resistance against the administrative sanctioning logic in the GDPR (supra). Its opinion from 2012 also contains two interesting arguments in favour of not using administrative law but relying on criminal law. Firstly, there is a more principled or substantive argument: in particular the serious administrative infringements in Article 83(5) GDPR (fines up to 20 million or 4% of the turnover) are too serious to be labelled administrative wrongs and should be regarded as criminal law offences. Secondly, the authority points at technical problems with administrative enforcement of data protection wrongs: criminal offences mostly consist of several infringements and contrary to normal courts, DP As cannot deal with the facts in a global manner.[3] The first substantive argument of the Belgian authority - serious wrongs should be dealt with by criminal law, not administrative law - is underdeveloped in our opinion. In 2016 we looked at current sanctioning systems, at the reasons to rely on administrative sanctions as opposed to criminal sanctions, at why states often prefer to develop both sanctioning systems in parallel, at the need to keep the both sanctioning systems separate and to identify a proper role for them, amongst others based on a last-resort role of criminal penalties. What the Belgian authority is doing (proposing to transform half of the list of administrative data protection wrongs into crimes) is not the outcome of our exercise done in 2016. We reached a different result, more in favour of the use of administrative sanctions, but without closing the door for a possible use of criminal law, although this should preferably be dealt with in a new directive complementing the GDPR. The second, more technical, argument of the Belgian authority is particularly strong. A global approach to wrongs is in some cases best not left to a specialized administrative authority. If in data protection enforcement there are “areas of significant public concern” (term coined by the ICO in the 2019 Vote Leave case above), a society as a whole should be alerted and reflect about its responses. In particular, fraud with a huge impact on political institutions (like the fraud reported in the Vote Leave and Cambridge Analytica cases) merits a more global response and scrutiny by the criminal law system. If criminal law should serve for something, should it not be this?
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