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The complex array of information collected from the survey was useful in answering the questions that guided the research in the Oroncota Valley at a regional scale. In this chapter, I discussed evidence indicating that the occupation of the defensive Pucara Plateau took place before the Inka arrival. In the Classic Yampara period (A.D. 800-1300), this was manifested in the rise of numerous (but small) residences and homesteads. By comparison, the Valley zone had larger but fewer villages. Following the Inka conquest during the Late Yampara-Inka period (A.D. 1300-1536), there was continuity in the occupation of the Pucara Plateau, despite the productivity of the alluvial floor. Indeed, during the Inka era many more sites were established on the Plateau. These formed an even denser congregation divided into two main site aggregates, which perhaps represented political or corporate units. In this regional context, the Inka established three main installations to optimize social interaction (Oroncota), control (El Pedregal), and administration of the Valley floor (Inkarry Moqo). The placement of these installations was in line with an imperial strategy of controlling and administering the region in a relatively direct fashion. Nevertheless, there was a minimal disruption in the native settlement patterns or the regional economy. The agricultural production and limited storage capacity signal that the surplus served to fulfill the immediate state regional needs. As a strategic region of the southern frontier, it is likely that the state representatives targeted this region for future strategic control that did not fully crystallize.

As for the distribution of Inka pottery styles, these were restricted to the imperial facilities. Therefore, it is difficult to argue in favor of an imperial-based prestige-goods economy, or that these materials served to co-opt local economies and political hierarchies. The new mixed Yam- para-Inka-style pottery was also not sufficiently distributed among the locals to suggest a widespread acceptance of Inka iconography. Concerning Guarani-related materials, their absence from the study region signals that the invading hordes did not necessarily bring with them perishable materials. However, the data reveal that the native residents maintained enduring forms of interaction with early tropical populations, evident in the widespread distribution of the Thick Rims, Incised and Stamped pottery tradition. This interaction did not change dramatically despite the encroachment of Inka and Chiriguano invasions.


1. The k-means formula is SSE=Sj=j[(xsub/sub-xci)2 + (yi-yci)2]. The SSE (Sum of Standard Errors) is calculated as the “sum over all objects in the analysis of the squared

Euclidian distance from each object to the centroid of the cluster to which is assigned” (Kintigh and Ammerman 1982:39). If sites are well clustered, there is a rapid decline in the SSE; if not, the SSE decline is relatively slow (Kintigh and Ammerman 1982).

2. The difference between these researchers is that Nordenskiold and Bennett considered the Gray Ware pottery as belonging to the Guarani-Chiriguano populations. Ryden, however, was more inclined to believe that this pottery belonged to an earlier cultural tradition, as supported by the research of Pereira Herrera and Brockington (2005).

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