This difference highlights the flexibility of imperial tactics, particularly
for recently incorporated territories. In the study region, this elasticity was useful as it aided in dealing with specific challenges. In the Oroncota Valley, the Inka representatives established strong alliances with the local Yampara elite, resulting in the annexation of the region. This situation might also explain why the state invested in the embellishment of the Oroncota center, perhaps because the intention was to establish a pocket of colonization or direct administration in the near future. For many reasons, perhaps including the Guarani-Chiriguano invasions or the Colonial conquest, these efforts did not crystallize successfully. In contrast, on the margins of the frontier, the Inka state and its representatives built Cuzcotuyo as an advance military outpost in an ecological and cultural setting less familiar to the empire. Considering that the region was scarcely inhabited by semimobile tropical groups, the Inka might not have considered it worthwhile to promote their permanent residency, low demographic densities might have inhibited these shifts, or the natives might have not found any immediate incentive to settle around the imperial strongholds. Despite the differences in the settlement structure, both regions exhibit a relatively low impact on existing demographic trends and socioeconomic configurations. This adaptive strategy might have been less disruptive for the indigenous inhabitants and, ultimately, less expensive for the state in these distant regions.