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The Visigoths. History of a Conquered People

Scholars working on the origins of the Christian polities in the North of the Iberian Peninsula[1] and the ideological background of the so-called Reconquista[2] have devoted considerable attention to the reception of Visigothic history. With a clear focus on its reception in Christian Europe, Jocelyn Nigel Hillgarth even provided a synthesis that covers the period between 711 and the seventeenth century.[3]

Arabic-Islamic material on the Visigoths has been used repeatedly to reconstruct the interdependence of various Andalusian sources.[4] [5] However, most studies dealing with this material focus on Arabic-Islamic depictions of the last Visigothic king Roderic5 and other figures involved in the Muslim invasion such as the legendary count Julian.[6] Research on the so-called ‘muwalladun or ‘muladfes’, i.e. Iberian converts to Islam and their descendants, has addressed their often difficult status within the Arabic-Islamic society of al-Andalus,[7] and, in the cases of Ibn H afsun (9th cent.)[8] and Ibn al-Qutiyya (d. 367/977),[9] has taken their perception of Visigothic history into account. Notwithstanding, a general overview on the Arabic- Islamic reception of Visigothic history is still lacking.i°

Muslim elites directly superseded the Visigothic rulers of Toledo, thus being forced—in one way or another—to position themselves vis-a-vis their predecessors. With this in mind, the present chapter aims at understanding when, how, under what circumstances, and for which reasons Arabic-Islamic scholars of the medieval period acquired or failed to acquire knowledge about Visigothic history.

  • [1] Bonnaz, ‘Aspects’ (1976), pp. 81—99; Garcia Moreno, ‘Visigotismo’ (1981), pp. 315—47;Zimmermann, ‘Conscience’ (1992), pp. 51—67; Bronisch, ‘Hofkirchen’ (1999), pp. 254—89; Isla Frez,‘Pervivencia’ (2011), pp. 75—86.
  • [2] Linehan, ‘Religion’ (1982), pp. 161—99; Martin, ‘Chute’ (1984), pp. 207—33; Bronisch, Recon-quista (1998), pp. 126—9, 235—362.
  • [3] Hillgarth, Visigoths (2009).
  • [4] E.g. Cronica del moro Rasis, ed. Catalan and de Andres, pp. xxx, xxxiv, lviii-lx, lxiii-lxix, as wellas many articles cited below in connection with various Arabic-Islamic texts.
  • [5] Menendez Pidal, Leyendas (1906); Krappe, ‘Legende’ (1924), pp. 305—11; Menendez Pidal,Rodrigo (1925); Hernandez Juberias, Peninsula (1996), pp. 194—207; Drayson, ‘Ways’ (2006), pp. 115—28;Drayson, King (2007).
  • [6] Dozy, ‘Comte’ (1881), pp. 57—9; Codera, ‘Conde’ (1903), pp. 45—94; Machado, ‘Nombres’(1945), pp. 106—16; Hernandez Juberias, Peninsula (1996), pp. 165—93; Filios, ‘Legends’ (2009),pp. 375—90; Gozalbes Cravioto, ‘Comes’ (2011), pp. 3—34; Martinez Carrasco, ‘Patricio’ (2014). Alsosee Claude, ‘Untersuchungen’ (1988), pp. 332Th; Dhanun Taha, Conquest (1989), pp. 84—109;Collins, Conquest (1989), pp. 31—6, 52—65; Chalmeta, Invasion (2003), pp. 112—57.
  • [7] E.g. Fierro, ‘Preguntas’ (1995), pp. 221—57; Fierro, ‘Genealogies’ (2008), pp. 34—7.
  • [8] Wasserstein, ‘Tradition’ (2002), pp. 269—97; Fierro, ‘Genealogies’ (2008), p. 41.
  • [9] E.g. Fierro, ‘Obra’ (1989), pp. 485—512; Christys, Christians (2002), pp. 158—83; Konig,‘Ruckbindung’ (2011), pp. 127—37. Note that Chalmeta, ‘Muwallad’ (1993), p. 807, refuses to regardIbn al-Qutiyya as a muwallad. i° E.g. Machado, ‘Historia’ (1944), pp. 139—53; Konig, ‘Ruckbindung’ (2011).
 
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