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  • 1. Brendan O’Leary, ‘Debating Consociational Politics: Normative and Explanatory Arguments,’ in S. Noel (ed.), From Power Sharing to Democracy (Quebec: McGill University Press, 2005): 35; Michael Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing: Conflict and Coexistence in Northern Ireland and Lebanon (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2005): 31; Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (London: Yale University Press, 1977): 5.
  • 2. Part III, Section F, Art.5, Taif Agreement.
  • 3. Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity, Reconciliation and Victims of Violence, Art.13, Belfast Agreement.
  • 4. Preamble, Ohrid Agreement.
  • 5. Chief Justice Warren, qtd. in Luther A. Huston, ‘High Court Bans School Segregation. 9-to-0 Decision Grants Time to Comply’ New York Times, 18/05/1954.
  • 6. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, ‘Power Shared after the Deaths of Thousands,’ in Rupert Taylor (ed.), Consociational Theory: McGarry and O’Leary and the Northern Ireland Conflict (London: Routledge, 2009): 25; Christopher McCrudden and Brendan O’Leary, Courts and Consociations. Human Rights Versus Power-Sharing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
  • 7. Marc Howard Ross, ‘Peace Education and Political Science,’ in Gavriel Salomon and Edward Cairns (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education (New York: Psychology Press, 2009), 121.
  • 8. See Chap. 7.
  • 9. Theodor Hanf, Coexistence in Wartime Lebanon. Decline of a State and Rise of a Nation (London: IB Tauris, 1994): 21.
  • 10. Frances Stewart, Religion Versus Ethnicity as a Source of Mobilisation: Are There Differences?, Microcon Research Working Paper 18 (Brighton: MICROCON, 2009): 44.
  • 11. Abdulrahim Sawsan and Marwan Khawaja, ‘The Cost of Being Palestinian in Lebanon,’ Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 37, no. 1 (2011): 153.
  • 12. This is despite the religious and political differences among Palestinians in Lebanon. Sawsan and Khawaja, ‘The Cost of Being Palestinian,’ 155.
  • 13. The figure is based on electoral results, Muhammad Faour, ‘Religion, Demography, and Politics’, 912; A competing estimate, based on the number of registered voters by religious sect, is provided in Imad Salamey and Rhys Payne, ‘Parliamentary Consociationalism in Lebanon: Equal Citizenry vs Quotated Confessionalism’, The Journal of Legislative Studies 14, no.4 (2008): 457.
  • 14. Are Knudsen and Michael Kerr, ‘Introduction. The Cedar Revolution and Beyond’ in Are Knudsen and Michael Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar R.evolution, (London: Hurst, 2013): 5.
  • 15. Paul Connolly and Paul Maginn, Sectarianism, Children and Community R.elations in Northern Ireland (Coleraine: University of Ulster, 1999): 7.
  • 16. International Crisis Group, Macedonia: Make or Break (Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2004): 4.
  • 17. Theodor Hanf, ‘The Sacred Marker. Religion, Communalism and Nationalism,’ in Theodor Hanf (ed.), Dealing with Difference. Religion, Ethnicity and Politics: Comparing Cases and Concepts (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1999): 386.
  • 18. Iohn Nagle and Mary-Alice Clancy, Shared Society or Benign Apartheid? Understanding Peace-Building in Divided Societies (London: Palgrave, 2010): 7.
  • 19. Hanf, Coexistence, 34.
  • 20. McCrudden and O’Leary, Courts and Consociations, 127.
  • 21. Samir Makdisi and Richard Sadaka, ‘The Lebanese Civil War,’ paper presented at the Yale-World Bank Workshop on ‘Case Studies on the Economics and Politics of Civil War,’ April 13-14, 2002, Yale University, 2003, 23; Knudsen and Kerr, ‘Introduction’, in Knudsen and Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution, 39.
  • 22. Between 14/07/1969 and 31/12/1998 according to Malcolm Sutton, ‘An Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland’, CAIN Web Service (accessed 20/02/2014).

  • 23. Sasho Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia. Exploring a Paradox in the Former Yugoslavia (London: First Forum Press, 2011): 100-101.
  • 24. Hanf, Coexistence, 642.
  • 25. Andrew Finlay, Governing Ethnic Conflict. Consociation, Identity and the Price of Peace (London: Routledge, 2010): 60.
  • 26. Stefan Wolff, ‘Liberal Consociationalism in Theory and Practice: Power

Sharing and Territorial Self-Governance,’ Unpublished Research Paper, 2011, 4;

Brendan O’Leary, ‘Foreword: The Realism of Power-Sharing,’ in Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, xxv.

  • 27. Wolff, ‘Liberal Consociationalism’, 4; O’Leary, ‘Foreword,’ in Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, xxv. The Taif Agreement envisaged ‘abolishing political sectarianism’ but this provision was never implemented.
  • 28. O’Leary, ‘Debating Consociational Politics’, in Noel, (ed.), From Power Sharing, 34-35; see also Stefan Wolff and Karl Cordell, ‘Power Sharing,’ in Karl Cordell and Stefan Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, (London: Routledge, 2010): 307.
  • 29. Part III, Section F, Taif Agreement.
  • 30. International Bureau of Education, World Data on Education, Sixth Edition (Geneva: UNESCO, 2007): 34, 32.
  • 31. Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity, Economic, Social and Cultural Issues, Art.4, and Reconciliation and Victims of Violence, Art.13, Belfast Agreement; The St Andrews Agreement adds the promotion of the Ulster Scots vernacular, Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Act 2006, (22/11/2006) contents/enacted: 16.
  • 32. Iohn McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2. What Critics of Consociation Can Learn from Northern Ireland,’ Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 275; Arend Lijphart, ‘The Framework Document on Northern Ireland and the Theory of Power-Sharing,’ Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (1996): 272.
  • 33. Art.6.2, Ohrid Agreement.
  • 34. Daniel Bar-Tal, ‘Peace Education in Societies Involved in Intractable Conflict. Goals, Conditions and Directions.,’ in Salomon and Cairns (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education, 24.
  • 35. George Eaton Simpson and J. Milton Yinger, Racial and Cultural Minorities: An Analysis of Prejudice and Discrimination (New York; London: Plenum, 1985): 157; Louis Oppenheimer, ‘Contributions of Developmental Psychology to Peace Education,’ in Salomon and Cairns
  • (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education, 106-107; Connolly and Maginn, Sectarianism, 15. Marc Hooge, Britt Wilkenfeld, ‘The Stability of Political Attitudes and Behaviors across Adolescence and Early Adulthood: A Comparison of Survey Data on Adolescents and Young Adults in Eight Countries’ Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 37 (2008).
  • 36. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund, At a Glance: Lebanon,
  • 37. ‘The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, in International Bureau of Education, World Data on Education, Seventh Edition 2010/2011 (Geneva: UNESCO, 2011): 14.
  • 38. Data produced by an officer in the Statistics and Research Branch, Department of Education Northern Ireland and provided through personal correspondence with the author (22/05/2014).
  • 39. Macedonia is currently implementing limited administrative decentralisation, devolving implementation of central decisions to municipalities, as explained in Chap. 7.
  • 40. Alison Kitson, ‘History Teaching and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland,’ in Elizabeth A. Cole, Teaching the Violent Past. History Education and Reconciliation, (Plymouth: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2007): 124.
  • 41. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, The Northern Ireland Conflict. ConsociationalEngagements (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004): 13.
  • 42. Lijphart, Democracy, 88; McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2,’ 256.
  • 43. John McGarry, ‘Introduction: The Comparable Northern Ireland,’ in John McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World. PostAgreement Northern Ireland in Comparative Perspective (London: Routledge, 2001): 17; Rupert Taylor, ‘Northern Ireland: Consociation or Social Transformation?,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 38; McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2,’ 251.
  • 44. Wolff and Cordell, ‘Power Sharing,’ 307.
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