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Notes

  • 1. Stuart J. Kaufman, ‘Ethnicity as a Generator of Conflict,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 91; Tony Gallagher, Education, 15.
  • 2. Kaufman, ‘Ethnicity’, in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), RoutledgeHandbook of Ethnic Conflict, 92.
  • 3. Michael Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 18; Arend Lijphart, ‘The Northern Ireland Problem: Cases, Theories, and Solutions,’ British Journal of Political Science 5, no. 1 (1975): 87-88; Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, ‘Ethnicity and Religion,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 70.
  • 4. Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic (Origins ofNations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999): 58.
  • 5. Theodor Hanf, ‘The Sacred Marker,’ in Hanf (ed.), Dealing with Difference, 387.
  • 6. Will Kymlicka, ‘Foreword,’ in James A. Banks, Diversity and Citizenship Education. Global Perspectives (Jossey-Bass, 2007): xiv.
  • 7. John Nagle and Mary-Alice Clancy, Shared Society or Benign Apartheid?, 5.
  • 8. Gallagher, Education, 16.
  • 9. B.K. Lambkin, Opposite R.eligions Still? Interpreting Northern Ireland after the Conflict (Aldershot: Avebury, 1996): 17.
  • 10. Qtd in Paul Connolly and Julie Healy, Children and the Conflict in Northern Ireland: The Experiences and Perspectives of 3-11 Years Olds (Belfast: OFMDFM Research Branch 2004): 14.
  • 11. Frances Stewart, R.eligion Versus Ethnicity, 44.
  • 12. Colin Clark, ‘The Nation-State,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 51-52.
  • 13. Michael H. Hogg, Deborah J. Terry, and Catherine M. White, ‘A Tale of Two Theories: A Critical Comparison of Identity Theory with Social Identity Theory,’ Social Psychology Quarterly 58, no. 4 (1995).
  • 14. Connolly and Healy, Children, 13-14.
  • 15. Leonie Huddy, ‘From Social to Political Identity: A Critical Examination of Social Identity Theory ‘ Political Psychology 22, no. 1 (2001): 141.
  • 16. John C. Turner, ‘Towards a Cognitive Redefinition of the Social Group’ in Henri Tajfel (ed.), Social Identity and Intergroup Relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010: 33-36.
  • 17. Mark Rubin and Miles Hewstone, ‘Social Identity, System Justification, and Social Dominance: Commentary on Reicher, Jost et al., and Sidanius Et al.,’ Political Psychology 25, no. 6 (2004): 824, 832.
  • 18. Hogg et al., ‘A Tale of Two Theories,’ 260.
  • 19. Gallagher, Education, 23-24.
  • 20. Ibid., 24-25; Huddy, ‘From Social to Political Identity,’ 133. Hogg et al., ‘A Tale of Two Theories,’ 261.
  • 21. Gallagher, Education, 24-25; International Bureau of Education, Differentiation Intergroupes En Milieu Scolaire. Discussion Metodologique Et Analyse Comparative Dans Dix Pays (Geneva: UNESCO, 1995), 8.
  • 22. Ibid., 12.
  • 23. Lynn Davies, Education and Conflict: Complexity and Chaos (London: Routledge, 2004): 77, 136; Huddy, ‘From Social to Political Identity,’ 136; Penelope Oakes, ‘Psychological Groups and Political Psychology: A Response to Huddy’s ‘Critical Examination of Social Identity Theory’,’ Political Psychology 23, no. 4 (2002): 818.
  • 24. Leonie Huddy, ‘Contrasting Theoretical Approaches to Intergroup Relations,’ Political Psychology 25, no. 6 (2004): 956; Huddy, ‘From Social to Political Identity,’ 142.
  • 25. Hanf, ‘The Sacred Marker,’ Hanf, Dealing with Difference, 387.
  • 26. Rubin and Hewstone, ‘Social Identity,’ 826 and Shana Levin et al., ‘Ethnic Identity, Legitimising Ideologies, and Social Status: A Matter of Ideological Asymmetry,’ Political Psychology 19, no. 2 (1998): 374, 400. See also: Claire McGlynn et al., ‘Moving out ofConflict: The Contribution of Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland to Identity, Attitudes, Forgiveness and Reconciliation,’ Journal of Peace Education 1, no. 2 (2004): 148.
  • 27. Henri Tajfel, ‘Instrumentality, Identity and Social Comparisons’, in Henri Tajfel (ed.), Social Identity and Intergroup Relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010: 485; Gallagher, Education, 29-30.
  • 28. Lijphart, ‘The Northern Ireland Problem,’ 88; Jennifer Jackson-Preece, ‘Origins of Nations,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 16.
  • 29. Lijphart, Democracy, 82.
  • 30. John McGarry, ‘Introduction,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 19.
  • 31. Lijphart, Democracy, 168.
  • 32. Richard Rose’s view on Northern Ireland in 1971, qtd. in Ed Cairns and Tara Cairns, ‘Children and Conflict: A Psychological Perspective,’ in Seamus Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London: St Martin’s Press, 1995): 105.
  • 33. Karl Cordell and Stefan Wolff, ‘The Study of Ethnic Conflict,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 4.
  • 34. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement. Part 1: What Consociationalists Can Learn from Northern Ireland,’ Government and Opposition 44, no. 1 (2006): 55.
  • 35. McGarry, ‘Introduction,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 14.
  • 36. Jackson-Preece, ‘Origins of Nations,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 23.
  • 37. Hanf, ‘The Sacred Marker,’ in Hanf, Dealing with Difference, 387.
  • 38. Kaufman, ‘Ethnicity,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 241.
  • 39. Zoltan Barany, ‘Ethnic Mobilisation in the Postcommunist Context,’ in Zoltan Barany and Robert G. Moser (eds.), Ethnic Politics after Communism (London: Cornell University Press, 2005): 80.
  • 40. Kaufman, ‘Ethnicity,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 91, 98.
  • 41. Oakes, ‘Psychological Groups and Political Psychology,’ 815.
  • 42. Huddy, ‘From Social to Political Identity,’ 143-145; Kaufman, ‘Ethnicity,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 93; Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations, 58; International Bureau of Education, Differentiation Intergroupes En Milieu Scolaire. Discussion Metodologique, 10.
  • 43. Kaufman, ‘Ethnicity,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 93.
  • 44. Ross, ‘Peace Education,’ in Salomon and Cairns (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education, 123.
  • 45. Nicole Taush, Katharina Schmidt, and Miles Hewstone, ‘The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations,’ in Salomon and Cairns (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education, 75.
  • 46. Ibid., 79.
  • 47. Ibid.
  • 48. Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict.
  • 49. Nagle and Clancy, Shared Society or Benign Apartheid?, 64.
  • 50. Asaf Siniver, ‘Managing and Settling Ethnic Conflict,’ in in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 187.
  • 51. O’Leary, ‘Debating Partition,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 153.
  • 52. Qtd. in Jackson-Preece, ‘Origins of Nations,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 20.
  • 53. Brendan O’Leary, qtd. in Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 26.
  • 54. Lijphart, Democracy.
  • 55. Ibid., 25.
  • 56. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and its Agreement. Part 1,’ 62-63.
  • 57. Part II, Section D, Art.6, Taif Agreement.
  • 58. Art. 5.1, Ohrid Agreement.
  • 59. Strand One. Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland, Safeguards, Art.5d, Belfast Agreement.
  • 60. Meaning the “sectarian power-sharing formulae,” Mohammad F. Mattar, ‘Is Lebanese Confessionalism to Blame?,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 49.
  • 61. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, ‘Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: Liberal Consociation as Political Prescription,’ International Journal of Constitutional Law 5, no. 4 (2007): 675.
  • 62. Ibid., 691; Knudsen and Kerr, ‘Introduction,’ in Knudsen and Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar R.evolution, 40.
  • 63. Ahmad Beydoun, ‘A Note on Confessionalism,’ in Theodor Hanf and Nawaf Salam (eds.), Lebanon in Limbo. Postwar Society and State in an Uncertain R.egionalEnvironment (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2003): 81.
  • 64. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Iraq’s Constitution of 2005,’ 675.
  • 65. Arend Lijphart, Thinking About Democracy. Power Sharing and Majority Rule in Theory and Practice (London: Routledge, 2008): 46.
  • 66. Ibid., 84.
  • 67. Ibid., 70.
  • 68. Arend Lijphart, ‘The Framework Document’, 272.
  • 69. Lijphart, Thinking About Democracy, 70.
  • 70. Lijphart, Democracy, 45; Benjamin Reilly, ‘Centripetalism,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 297; Finlay, Governing Ethnic Conflict, 8.
  • 71. Lijphart, Democracy, 54, 66-67; Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 27.
  • 72. Lijphart, Democracy, 54, 66-67; Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 27.
  • 73. World Bank estimate for 2012 reported on: The World Bank, Population (Total), http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL
  • 74. Russell, Raymond, Census 2011: Key Statistics at Northern Ireland and LGD Level (Belfast: Northern Ireland Assembly Research and Information Service, 2013): 3.
  • 75. State Statistical Office, MakStat Database, http://makstat.stat.gov.mk/ pxweb2007bazi/Dialog/Saveshow.asp
  • 76. Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 28; McGarry, ‘Introduction,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 15.
  • 77. Michael Kerr, ‘The Philosophy of Lebanese Power-Sharing,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 252.
  • 78. Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 29.
  • 79. Stefan Wolff and Karl Cordell, ‘Power Sharing,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 307.
  • 80. Brendan O’Leary, ‘Debating Consociational Politics,’ in Noel (ed.), From Power Sharing, 35.
  • 81. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, ‘Territorial Approaches to Ethnic Conflict Settlement,’ in in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 254.
  • 82. Michael Kerr and Amal Hamdan, ‘Lebanon: The Hybridity of a Confessional State,’ in John Loughlin, John Kincaid and Wilfried Swenden (eds.), Routledge Handbook on Regionalism and Federalism (London: Routledge, 2013): 499-509.
  • 83. Miall et.al. qtd. in Harvey Cox, ‘Keeping Going: Beyond Good Friday,’ in Marianne Elliott (ed.), The Long Road to Peace in Northern Ireland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007): 159.
  • 84. O’Leary, ‘Foreword,’ in Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, xxii.
  • 85. McCrudden and O’Leary, Courts and Consociations, 10.
  • 86. Rupert Taylor, ‘Northern Ireland: Consociation or Social Transformation?,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 38.
  • 87. John McGarry, ‘Northern Ireland, Civic Nationalism and the Good Friday Agreement,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 124; Lijphart, Democracy, 124, 2.
  • 88. Nagle and Clancy, Shared Society or Benign Apartheid?, 45.
  • 89. Rupert Taylor, ‘The Belfast Agreement and the Politics of Consociationalism: A Critique,’ The Political Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2006): 219; Lijphart, Democracy, 49; McGarry, ‘Introduction,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 18.
  • 90. Taylor, ‘The Belfast Agreement,’ 218-220; Joseph Marko, ‘Human Rights and Ethnopolitics,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethnic Conflict (London: Routledge, 2010): 241.
  • 91. Benjamin Reilly, ‘Centripetalism: Cooperation, Accommodation and Integration’, in Stefan Wolff and Christalla Yakinthou (eds.), Conflict Management in Divided Societies. Theories and Practice (London: Routledge, 2012): 57; Donald L. Horowitz, ‘The Northern Ireland Agreement: Clear Consociational, and Risky,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World.
  • 92. Jonathan Tonge and Jocelyn Evans, ‘Party Members and the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland,’ Irish Political Studies 17, no. 2 (2002), 71.
  • 93. Stefan Wolff, ‘Liberal Consociationalism’, 4; O’Leary, ‘Foreword,’ in Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, xxv.
  • 94. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement. Part 1,’ 46; Taylor, ‘The Belfast Agreement,’ 220; John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2’, 270-271.
  • 95. Finlay, Governing Ethnic Conflict, 25, 36.
  • 96. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2,’ 270-271.
  • 97. Finlay, Governing Ethnic Conflict, 33.
  • 98. Peter Shirlow and Colin Coulter, ‘Enduring Problems: The Belfast Agreement and a Disagreed Belfast,’ in Elliott (ed.), The Long Road to Peace in Northern Ireland, 208; Wilford, qtd. in McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement. Part 1,’ 46.
  • 99. Finlay, Governing Ethnic Conflict, 6.
  • 100. Paul Nolan, Northern Ireland Peace Monitoring Report Number Three (Belfast: Community Relations Council, 2014): 115. Others argue that residential segregation is increasing: Jonathan Tonge, The New Northern Irish Politics? (New York: Palgrave, 2004): 190; Claire Mitchell, ‘Religious Change and Persistence,’ in Colin Coulter and Michael Murray, Northern Ireland after the Troubles, a Society in Transition (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008): 142; Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education, A Shared Future: Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland. Promoting Shared Education (Belfast: NICIE, 2005): 12.
  • 101. 55 % in 1987 and 59 % in 2006. Theodor Hanf, E Pluribus Unum? Lebanese Opinions and Attitudes on Coexistence (Byblos: UNESCO, 2007): 18; Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, Unpacking the Dynamics of Communal Tensions: A Focus Group Analysis of Perceptions among Youth in Lebanon (New York: United Nations, 2009): 18.
  • 102. Beydoun, ‘A Note,’ Hanf and Salam (eds.), Lebanon in Limbo, 78-80.
  • 103. United Nations Development Programme, People Centered Analysis Report (Skopje: UNDP, 2008): 60-61.
  • 104. Lijphart, Democracy, 42.
  • 105. Ibid., 88.
  • 106. Lijphart, Thinking About Democracy, 35.
  • 107. A 20 % improvement in indicators linked to tolerance. Miles Hewstone et al., Can Contact Promote Better Relations? Evidence from Mixed and Segregated Areas of Belfast (Belfast: OFMDFMNI, 2008): 9.
  • 108. Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India (London: Yale University Press, 2003): 9.
  • 109. Gary K. Peatling, The Failure ofthe Northern Ireland Peace Process (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2004): 45.
  • 110. McGarry, ‘Introduction,’ in McGarry (ed), Northern Ireland and the Divided World, 17; Taylor, ‘Northern Ireland,’ 38; McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2,’ 251.
  • 111. Robert Young, ‘Liberalism, Postmodernism, Critical Theory and Politics,’ in Richard Smith and Philip Wexler (eds.), After Postmodernism: Education, Politics and Identity (London: The Falmer Press, 1995): 13.
  • 112. David Easton, Children in the Political System (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1969): 10.
  • 113. Gallagher, Education, 139-141; Andy Green and John Preston, ‘Education and Social Cohesion: Recentering the Debate,’ Peabody Journal of Education 76, no. 3/4 (2001): 250; Green, Education, Globalisation and the Nation State (London: Macmillan, 1997), 131, 133.
  • 114. William C. Cummings, ‘How Educational Systems Form and Reform,’ in Joseph Zajda and Macleans A. Geo-JaJa (eds.), The Politics of Education Reforms (Springer, 2010): 22.
  • 115. Easton, Children, 34.
  • 116. Gallagher, Education, 65, 139; Easton, Children, 4.
  • 117. Qtd. in Jackson-Preece, ‘Origins of Nations,’ in Cordell and Wolff (eds.), RoutledgeHandbook ofEthnic Conflict, 20; Cummings, ‘How Educational Systems Form and Reform,’ in Zajda and Geo-JaJa (eds.), The Politics of Education Reforms, 30; Gallagher, Education, 35, 141; Easton, Children, 27.
  • 118. Green, Education, 134.
  • 119. Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron, Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (London: Sage, 1990).
  • 120. Haim Gaziel, ‘Why Educational Reforms Fail: The Emergence and Failure of an Educational Reform. A Case Study from Israel.,’ in Joseph Zajda (ed.), Globalisation, Ideology and Education Policy Reforms (Springer, 2010): 51.
  • 121. Bourdieu and Passeron, Reproduction in Education, 9, 18, 41.
  • 122. Amy Gutmann, ‘Unity and Diversity in Democratic Multicultural Education,’ in Banks (ed.), Diversity and Citizenship Education, 86.
  • 123. Paul Connolly, Alan Smith, and Berni Kelly, Too Young to Notice? The Cultural and Political Awareness of 3-6 Years Olds in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, 2002).
  • 124. Connolly and Healy, Children, 15, 104.
  • 125. Easton, Children, 5.
  • 126. Ibid., 389-390, 394.
  • 127. Ibid., 410-412.
  • 128. Michael Kerr, ‘Nations Apart. Mutually Exclusive Identity Forming Narratives in Northern Ireland’s Education System,’ in Theodor Hanf (ed.), The Political Function of Education in Deeply Divided Countries (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2011), 32.
  • 129. Theodor Hanf, ‘What Case Studies Can Teach Us,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function ofEducation, 335; Graham K. Brown, ‘The Influence of Education on Violent Conflict and Peace: Inequality, Opportunity and the Management of Diversity,’ Prospects 41, no. 2 (2011): 196; Marina Camargo Abello, ‘Are the Seeds of Violence Sown in Schools?,’ Prospects XXVII, no. 3 (1997): 450.
  • 130. Alan Smith, ‘Education in the Twenty-First Century: Conflict, Reconstruction and Reconciliation,’ Compare 35, no. 4 (2005): 377.
  • 131. Andy Green, P. Preston, and R. Sabates, Education, Equality and Social Cohesion: A Distributional Model (London: Institute of Education, 2003): iii, v; Andy Green, John Preston, and Germen Janmaat, Education, Equality and Social Cohesion. A Comparative Analysis. (London: Palgrave, 2006): 180.
  • 132. Camargo Abello, ‘Are the Seeds of Violence Sown in Schools?,’ 450; Brown, ‘The Influence of Education on Violent Conflict and Peace,’ 196; United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011. The Hidden Crisis: Armed Conflict and Education (Paris: UNESCO, 2011): 162.
  • 133. Brown, ‘The Influence of Education on Violent Conflict and Peace,’ 202, 192.
  • 134. Hanf, ‘What Case Studies Can Teach Us,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function ofEducation, 334.
  • 135. Davies, Education, 44.
  • 136. Davies, Education, 44, 76; Green, Education, 183; Brown, ‘The Influence of Education on Violent Conflict and Peace,’ 196, 202.
  • 137. Daniel Bar-Tal, ‘Peace Education in Societies Involved in Intractable Conflict. Goals, Conditions and Directions.,’ in Salomon and Cairns (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education, 22; Daniel Bar-Tal, ‘Why Does Fear Override Hope in Societies Engulfed by Intractable Conflict, as It Does in the Israeli Society?,’ Political Psychology 22, no. 3 (2001): 619.
  • 138. Bar-Tal, ‘Peace Education,’ 36.
  • 139. Kendra E. Dupuy, ‘Education in Peace Agreements, 1989-2005,’ Conflict resolution quarterly 26, no. 2 (2008): 161.
  • 140. Bar-Tal, ‘Peace Education,’ 36.
  • 141. Tony Gallagher, ‘Balancing Difference and the Common Good: Lessons from a Post-Conflict Society,’ Compare 35, no. 4 (2005): 434.
  • 142. Taush et al., ‘The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations,’ in Salomon and Cairns (eds.), Handbook on Peace Education, 75.
  • 143. Alan Smith, The Influence of Education on Conflict and Peace Building. Background Paper Prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011 (Paris: UNESCO, 2010): 8.
  • 144. Smith, ‘Education in the Twenty-First Century,’ 380-381; Sarah Graham- Brown, ‘The Role of the Curriculum,’ in Minority Rights Group International, Education Rights and Minorities (London: Manchester Free Press, 1994).
  • 145. Smith, ‘Education in the Twenty-First Century,’ 381.
  • 146. Laurie Shepherd Johnson, ‘Moving from Piecemeal to Systemic Approaches to Peace Education in Divided Societies: Comparative Efforts in Northern Ireland and Cyprus,’ in Zvi Bekerman and Claire McGlynn (eds.), Addressing Ethnic Conflict through Peace Education (London: Palgrave, 2007): 28.
  • 147. Davies, Education, 176.
  • 148. Dupuy, ‘Education,’ 160.
  • 149. Qtd. in Ken Wylie, ‘Citizenship, Identity and Social Inclusion,’ European Journal of Education 39, no. 2 (2004): 242.
  • 150. James A. Banks, ‘Preface,’ in Banks (ed.), Diversity and Citizenship Education, xix.
  • 151. Smith, ‘Education in the Twenty-First Century,’ 379.
  • 152. Crispin Jones, ‘State Education and Minority Rights,’ in Minority Rights Group International, Education Rights and Minorities, 8.
  • 153. Gallagher, Education, 149-150; Hanf, ‘What Case Studies Can Teach Us,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function of Education, 335.
  • 154. Gallagher, Education, 151.
  • 155. Lijphart, Thinking About Democracy, 70.
  • 156. Qtd. in Smith, The Influence ofEducation on Conflict and Peace Building, 10.
  • 157. Gallagher, Education, 125; Brown, ‘The Influence of Education on Violent Conflict and Peace,’ 192; Lambkin, Opposite Religions Still?, 195.
  • 158. Gallagher, Education, 26; Tony Gallagher, ‘Desegregation and

Resegregation: The Legacy of Brown Versus Board of Education, 1954,’ in Bekerman and McGlynn (eds.), Addressing Ethnic Conflict, 17.

  • 159. Davies, Education, 109.
  • 160. McGlynn et al., ‘Moving out of Conflict,’ 153; Byron G. Massialas, ‘Some Propositions About the Role of School in the Formation of Political Behaviour and Political Attitudes of Students: Cross-National Perspectives,’ Comparative Education Review 19, no. 1 (1975): 172; Shirley Ewart and Dirk Schubotz, Voices Behind the Statistics. Young People’s Views of Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (Belfast: National Children’s Bureau, 2004): 7, 15.
  • 161. Connolly and Healy, Children, i.
  • 162. Claire Magill, Alan Smith, and Brandon Hamber, The Role of Education in Reconciliation. The Perspectives of Children and Young People in Bosnia Herzegovina and Northern Ireland (Londonderry: INCORE, 2009): 1.
  • 163. Connolly et al., Too Young to Notice?, 46.
  • 164. United Nations Development Programme, Education and Citizenship. Analysis ofSurvey R.esults of9th Grade Students in Lebanon (Beirut: UNDP, 2008): 29.
  • 165. Paul Connolly and Paul Maginn, Sectarianism, 34.
  • 166. John P. Darby, ‘Divisiveness of Education in Northern Ireland,’ Equity & Excellence in Education 12, no. 1 (1974): 10.
  • 167. United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Education for All, 160.
  • 168. Camargo Abello, ‘Are the Seeds of Violence Sown in Schools?,’ 452.
  • 169. United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Education for All, 131.
  • 170. Andy Green, Germ Janmaat, and Christine Han, R.egimes ofSocial Cohesion (London: Centre for Learning and Life Chances in Knowledge Economies and Societies, 2009): 19.
  • 171. Davies, Education, 168.
 
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