Desktop version

Home arrow Education arrow Education Policy and Power-Sharing in Post-Conflict Societies: Lebanon, Northern Ireland, and Macedonia

Notes

  • 1. Fay Chung, ‘Education: A Key to Power and a Tool for Change - a Practitioner’s Perspective’, Current Issues in Comparative Education 2, no.1 (1999): 1.
  • 2. Florian Bieber, ‘Bosnia-Herzegovina and Lebanon: Historical Lessons of Two Multireligious States,’ Third World Quarterly 21, no. 2 (2000): 271; Hanf, Coexistence, 61.
  • 3. Mounir Bashshour, ‘The Role of Education: A Mirror of Fractured National Image,’ in Halim Barakat (ed.), Toward a Viable Lebanon (London: Croom Helm, 1988), 42-43; Hanf, Coexistence, 57.
  • 4. Bieber, ‘Bosnia-Herzegovina’, 271.
  • 5. Kamal Salibi, A House of Many Mansions: The History of Lebanon Reconsidered (London: Published by I.B. Tauris & Co 1988): 165.
  • 6. Ussama Makdisi, ‘Reconstructing the Nation-State: The Modernity of Sectarianism in Lebanon,’ Middle East Report, no. 200 (1996): 24.
  • 7. Mounir Bashshour, ‘Chances for Conflict Regulation at the Grassroot Level in Lebanon,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function of Education, 185.
  • 8. Mattar, ‘Is Lebanese Confessionalism,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 50; Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 25.
  • 9. Ibid., 169.
  • 10. Hanf, Coexistence, 65-66.
  • 11. Ibid., 67.
  • 12. Michael C. Hudson, ‘Democracy and Social Mobilisation in Lebanese Politics,’ Comparative Politics 1, no. 2 (1969): 251; Makdisi, ‘Reconstructing’, 24.
  • 13. The 1926 constitution also specified the ‘temporary’ nature of confessionalism. Anna Ziadeh, Sectarianism and Intercommunal Nation-Building in Lebanon (London: Hurst, 2006): 147.
  • 14. R. Hrair Dekmejian, Patterns of Political Leadership: Lebanon, Israel, Egypt (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975): 35.
  • 15. Marie-Joelle Zahar, ‘Power Sharing in Lebanon: Foreign Protectors, Domestic Peace, and Democratic Failure,’ in Donald Rothschild and Philip Roeder (eds.), Sustainable Peace: Power and Democracy after Civil Wars (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005): 224-226.
  • 16. Art. 8, ‘French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon’, The American Journal of International Law 17, no.3 (1923): 177-182.
  • 17. Nemer Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion in Lebanon,’ Prospects XXXIII, no. 1 (2003): 80.
  • 18. Ibid., 81.
  • 19. Mounir Bashshour, ‘Higher Education and Political Development in Syria and Lebanon,’ Comparative Education Review 10, no. 3 (1966): 455.
  • 20. David Gilmour, Lebanon, the Fractured Country (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1983): 66.
  • 21. Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion’, 81.
  • 22. Eric M. Dorrington, Lebanese Historical Memory and the Perception of National Identity through School Textbooks, 2010, http://www.Scribd. Com/Doc/27022561/Lebanese-Historical-Memory-and-the-Perception- of-National-Identity-through-School-Textbooks: 5
  • 23. Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 203.
  • 24. Dorrington, Lebanese Historical Memory, 7.
  • 25. Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 203.
  • 26. Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion’, 78.
  • 27. Gilmour, Lebanon, 18, 59-60.
  • 28. Boutros Labaki, Education Et Mobilite Sociale Dans La Societe Multicommunautaire Du Liban (Larnara: Materialen zu Gesellschaft und Bildung in multikulturellen Gesellschaften, 1988): 58, 76.
  • 29. Ibid., 85, 80; Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion’, 80.
  • 30. Ibid., 176.
  • 31. Nemer Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum as a Means to Bridging National Divisions in Lebanon,’ in Sobhi Tawil and Alexandra Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion (Geneva: UNESCO International Bureau of Education, 2004), 172.
  • 32. Labaki, Education, 176.
  • 33. Hanf, Coexistence, 445, 69; Bashshour, ‘The Role of Education’, in Barakat (ed.), Toward a Viable Lebanon, 44. Over 70 percent of students were Muslim. Labaki, Education, 86-87.
  • 34. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum’, in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 172.
  • 35. Hanf, Coexistence, 552.
  • 36. Dekmejian, Patterns of Political Leadership, 35-36; Hudson, ‘Democracy’, 249.
  • 37. Mattar, ‘Is Lebanese Confessionalism’, in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 51; Ghassane Salame, Lebanon’s Injured Identities. Who Represents Whom During a Civil War? (Oxford: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1986): 5; Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 139.
  • 38. Ibid., 27.
  • 39. Ibid., 28.
  • 40. Mattar, ‘Is Lebanese Confessionalism’, in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 51.
  • 41. Youssef Choueiri, ‘Explaining Civil Wars in Lebanon,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 27-28.
  • 42. Georges Naccache, ‘Deux Negations Ne Font Pas Une Nation’ (1949), qtd. in Gilmour, Lebanon, 53.
  • 43. Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 124.
  • 44. Mattar, ‘Is Lebanese Confessionaiism’, in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 52.
  • 45. Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 37.
  • 46. Farid elKhazen, The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon, 1967-1976 (London: IB Tauris Publishers, 2000): 383.
  • 47. Fawwaz Trabouisi, A History of Modern Lebanon, 102.
  • 48. elKhazen, The Breakdown, 379.
  • 49. Beydoun, ‘A Note,’ in Hanf and Salam (eds.), Lebanon in Limbo, 76.
  • 50. Hanf, Coexistence, 79.
  • 51. Beydoun, ‘A Note’, Hanf and Salam (eds.), Lebanon in Limbo, 75.
  • 52. Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 195; Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, Unpacking the Dynamics of Communal Tensions, 14.
  • 53. Hanf, Coexistence, 71.
  • 54. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum’, in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 172.
  • 55. Lebanese Government Platform (1943) and Lebanese Government Platform (1944), qtd. in Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion’, 82.
  • 56. International Bureau ofEducation, Annuaire International de L Education et de LEinsegnement (Geneva: UNESCO, 1946): 94.
  • 57. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO, 1949): 211.
  • 58. Chartouni, Conflict Resolution, 75; Hanf, Coexistence, 365.
  • 59. Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion’, 83.
  • 60. Ziadeh, Sectarianism, 113; Bashshour, ‘The Role of Education’, in Barakat (ed.), Toward a Viable Lebanon, 47.
  • 61. International Bureau of Education, Annuaire International, 94.
  • 62. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum’, in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 173; Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion’, 83.
  • 63. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO, 1951): 182; International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook ofEducation (Geneva: UNESCO, 1957): 251.
  • 64. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO, 1957): 251-252.
  • 65. Decree 1436, qtd. in Bashshour, ‘The Role of Education,’ in Barakat (ed.), Toward a Viable Lebanon, 47-48.
  • 66. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum,’ in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 173.
  • 67. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO, 1952): 200; Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum,’ in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 173;

United Nations Development Programme, Lebanon Human Development Report: Toward a Citizen's State, 2008-2009 (Beirut: UNDP, 2009): 162.

  • 68. K. Abouchedid, R. Nasser, and J. Van Blommestein, ‘The Limitations of Inter-Group Learning in Confessional School Systems: The Case of Lebanon,' Arab Studies Quarterly 24, no. 4 (2002).
  • 69. Ibid.
  • 70. Choueiri, ‘Explaining Civil Wars', in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 29.
  • 71. Ibid.
  • 72. Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing, 127.
  • 73. Traboulsi, A History of Modern Lebanon, 138.
  • 74. Inam Raad, Qtd. in Hanf, Coexistence, 369; Traboulsi, A History ofModern Lebanon, 140.
  • 75. Frayha, ‘Education and Social Cohesion,' 82.
  • 76. Labaki, Education, 131-136.
  • 77. Traboulsi, A History ofModern Lebanon, 163.
  • 78. Labaki, Education, 129; Gilmour, Lebanon, 29.
  • 79. Kamal Abouchedid and Ramzi Nasser, ‘The State of History Teaching in Private-Run Confessional Schools in Lebanon: Implications for National Integration,' Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies 5, no. 2 (2000): 61.
  • 80. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum,' in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 173.
  • 81. Dorrington, Lebanese Historical Memory, 9.
  • 82. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum,' in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 173.
  • 83. Memorandum no. 262/7173 of 1973, Qtd in. Ibid., 196; Mounir Bashshour, ‘The Deepening Cleavage in the Educational System,' in Hanf and Salam (eds.), Lebanon in Limbo, 160.
  • 84. Hanf, Coexistence, 162, 168.
  • 85. Kathleen Fincham, ‘Nationalist Narratives, Boundaries and Social Inclusion/Exclusion in Palestinian Camps in South Lebanon,' Compare 42, no. 2 (2012): 9.
  • 86. Hanf, Coexistence, 175; Gilmour, Lebanon, 89-90.
  • 87. Hanf, Coexistence, 166.
  • 88. Salame, Lebanon’s Injured Identities, 7-9.
  • 89. Hanf, Coexistence, 109.
  • 90. Mark Farha, ‘From Beirut Spring to Regional Winter? ,' in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 203; Hanf, Coexistence, 458.
  • 91. ludith Harik, The Public and Social Services ofthe Lebanese Militias (Oxford: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1994): 12.
  • 92. Hanf, Coexistence, 167.
  • 93. Rudy Jaafar, ‘Democratic Reform in Lebanon: An Electoral Approach,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 289.
  • 94. Hanf, Coexistence, 130.
  • 95. elKhazen, The Breakdown, 382.
  • 96. Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 165.
  • 97. Hanf, Coexistence, 247; Interview with Charles Chartouni (Lebanese Academic and Political Analyst), Beirut, 6/07/2012.
  • 98. Harik, The Public and Social Services, 51.
  • 99. Judith Harik, ‘Hizballah’s Public and Social Services and Iran,’ in E.H. Chehabi (ed.), Distant Relations: Jran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years (London: IB Tauris, 2006), 282-283.
  • 100. J bid., 269, 276-277.
  • 101. Harik, The Public and Social Services, 48.
  • 102. Jliya Harik, ‘Towards a New Perspective on Secularism in Multicultural Societies,’ in Hanf and Salam (eds.), Lebanon in Limbo, 23.
  • 103. Salibi, A House of Many Mansions, 201.
  • 104. Jbid., 10, 202. See also: United Nations Development Programme, Lebanon Human Development, 168, 184.
  • 105. Qtd. in Pamela Chrabieh, ‘Breaking the Vicious Cycle! Contributions of the 25-35 Lebanese Age Group,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 76.
  • 106. Ministry of National Education and Arts, Report of the Lebanese Delegation to the 38th Session of the International Conference on Education (Beirut: Ministry of National Education and Arts, 1981): 5.
  • 107. Jbid., 7; Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum,’ in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 174.
  • 108. Ex-President Camille Chamoun, 1984, qtd. in Bashshour, ‘The Role of Education,’ in Barakat (ed.), Toward a Viable Lebanon, 61.
  • 109. Joint Islamic Position, 1984, qtd. in ibid., 62.
  • 110. Part I, Section B, Taif Agreement.
  • 111. Lebanon-Syria Treaty of Cooperation, 20/05/1991, http://www.jewish- virtuallibrary.org/jsource/arabs/LebSyrCoop.html
  • 112. Traboulsi, A History of Modern Lebanon, 245.
  • 113. Part III, Section C, Taif Agreement.
  • 114. Hanf, Coexistence, 540.
  • 115. Michael C. Hudson, ‘Lebanon after Taif. Another Reform Opportunity Lost?,’ Arab Studies Quarterly 21, no. 1 (1999): 27.
  • 116. Jbid.
  • 117. Part II, Section G, Taif Agreement, incorporated into Article 95 of the Lebanese Constitution of 1991.
  • 118. Paul Salem, ‘Framing Post-War Lebanon: Perspectives on the Constitution and the Structure of Power,’ Mediterranean Politics 3, no. 1 (1998): 16.
  • 119. Hannes Baumann, ‘The ‘New Contractor Burgeoisie’ in Lebanese Politics. Hariri, Mikati and Fares,’ in Knudsen and Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution, 131.
  • 120. Part III, Section F, TaifAgreement.
  • 121. Abouchedid et al., ‘The Limitations of Inter-Group Learning.’
  • 122. International Bureau of Education, World Data on Education, Sixth Edition, 34, 32.
  • 123. Hanf, Coexistence, 646.
  • 124. Michael Kerr, ‘Before the Revolution,’ in Knudsen and Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution, 31; Salibi, A House of Many Mansions,
  • 221.
  • 125. Knudsen and Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution; also Halim Shebaya, ‘Intifada 2005: A Look Backwards and a Look Forward,’ in Choueiri (ed.), Breaking the Cycle, 261-263.
  • 126. Knudsen and Kerr, ‘Introduction’ in Knudsen and Kerr (eds.), Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution, 7.
  • 127. International Crisis Group, Lebanon: Hizbollah’s Weapons Turn Inward (Brussels: ICG, 2008).
  • 128. Frayha, ‘Developing Curriculum,’ in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 178.
  • 129. Iohn Darby, ‘Conflict in Northern Ireland: A Background Essay,’ in Seamus Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict, 17.
  • 130. Donald Harman Akenson, Education and Enmity, the Control of Schooling in Northern Ireland 1920-1950 (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1973): 37.
  • 131. Lord Edward Stanley, Chief Secretary of State for Ireland, qtd. in Priscilla Chadwick, Schools of Reconciliation. Issues in Joint Roman Catholic- Anglican Education (London: Cassell, 1994): 125.
  • 132. Tony Gallagher, ‘Balancing Difference,’ 433; Michael Arlow, ‘Citizenship Education in a Divided Society: The Case of Northern Ireland,’ in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 271; Valerie Morgan et al., Breaking the Mould: The Roles of Parents and Teachers in the Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland (Coleraine: University of Ulster, 1992): 5.
  • 133. Iohn Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland: The Development of a Polarised Community (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1976): 125.
  • 134. Interview with Andrew Bell (Community Relations Coordinator, Department of Education Northern Ireland), Bangor, 26/02/2013.
  • 135. Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland, 126; Seamus Dunn, ‘The Role of Education in the Northern Ireland Conflict,’ Oxford Review of Education 12, no. 3 (1986): 253.
  • 136. Michael Kerr, ‘Nations Apart,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function of Education, 22.
  • 137. Alan Smith, ‘Religious Segregation and the Emergence of Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland,’ Oxford Review of Education 27, no. 4 (2001): 561.
  • 138. Ibid., 562. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 60-61.
  • 139. Lynn, qtd. in Ibid., 51.
  • 140. Lord Londonderry, Minister of Education, qtd. in Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland, 126.
  • 141. Kerr, ‘Nations Apart,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function of Education, 22.
  • 142. Iohn Darby, 1976, Qtd. in Chadwick, Schools of Reconciliation, 126.
  • 143. Smith, ‘Religious Segregation,’ 561. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 44-45.
  • 144. Ibid., 194.
  • 145. Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland, 126; Akenson, Education and Enmity, 78.
  • 146. Ibid., 76.
  • 147. Ibid., 64-84, 87, 99-100.
  • 148. Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland, 128.
  • 149. Smith, ‘Religious Segregation,’ 562.
  • 150. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 195-196.
  • 151. Ibid., 108, 195-196.
  • 152. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 194.
  • 153. Smith, ‘Religious Segregation,’ 562.
  • 154. Simpson and Daly, ‘Politics and Education,’ 169.
  • 155. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 193-194.
  • 156. Ibid., 198-199; Ian Colwill and Carmel Gallagher, ‘Developing a Curriculum for the Twenty-First Century: The Experiences of England and Northern Ireland,’ Prospects 37, (2007): 412.
  • 157. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 168, 198.
  • 158. Ibid., 198-199; Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland, 132-133.
  • 159. Kerr, ‘Nations Apart,’ in Hanf (ed.), The Political Function of Education, 26.
  • 160. Smith, ‘Religious Segregation,’ 563.
  • 161. O’Leary, Brendan and McGarry, John, The Politics of Antagonism. Understanding Northern Ireland (London: Athlone Press, 1993): 130.
  • 162. Gallagher, qtd. in Alan Smith, ‘Education and Conflict in Northern Ireland,’ in Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict, 177.
  • 163. Maurice Hayes, ‘Neither Orange March nor Irish Jig: Finding Compromise in Northern Ireland,’ in Elliott (ed.), The Long Road to Peace in Northern Ireland, 99.
  • 164. Marc Mulholland, ‘Assimilation Versus Segregation: Unionist Strategy in the 1960s,’ Twentieth Century British History, no. 11 (2000).
  • 165. Anthony Oberschall, Conflict and Peace Building in Divided Societies (London: Routledge, 2007): 159.
  • 166. John Darby, ‘Northern Ireland: Bonds and Breaks in Education,’ British Journal of Educational Studies 26, no. 3 (1978): 215.
  • 167. John P. Darby, ‘Divisiveness of Education,’ 8.
  • 168. Darby, ‘Northern Ireland,’ 223.
  • 169. Lord Melchett, ‘Secretary of State: Integrated Education ( 3 June 1977) Memorandum by Lord Melchett, Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, 1977, PRONI CENT/1/10/3.
  • 170. Qtd. in Chadwick, Schools of Reconciliation, 129.
  • 171. J bid., 130.
  • 172. J bid., 169.
  • 173. Lord Melchett, ‘Secretary of State: Integrated Education7 See also: J. Pitt- Brooke, ‘Note for the Record: Shared Schools’ (30 July 1976). Meeting between R. Moyle, Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office, with Cardinal Conway, Catholic Primate of Ireland 1976, PRONI ED/32/B/1/11/1.
  • 174. J . McAllister, Integration in the Education Service, 1979, CENT/1/9/1.
  • 175. Darby, ‘Northern Ireland,’ 216; Seamus Dunn and Valerie Morgan, ‘A Fraught Path’: Education as a Basis for Developing Improved Community Relations in Northern Ireland,’ Oxford Review of Education 25, no. 1/2 (1999): 142.
  • 176. Valerie Morgan and Grace Fraser, ‘When Does ‘Good News’ Become ‘Bad News’? Relationships between Government and the Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland,’ British Journal ofEducational Studies 47, no. 4 (1999): 367.
  • 177. Dunn and Morgan, ‘A Fraught Path,’ 143. Chapter 7 explains the ethos and structure of integrated schools.
  • 178. Morgan and Fraser, ‘When Does ‘Good News’ Become ‘Bad News’?,’ 368.
  • 179. Dunn and Morgan, ‘A Fraught Path,’ 150.
  • 180. J bid., 142-143.
  • 181. Qtd. in Arlow, ‘Citizenship Education’, in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 279.
  • 182. Darby, ‘Northern Ireland,’ 222.
  • 183. Dunn and Morgan, ‘A Fraught Path,’ 142. See also Chap. 4 and 5.
  • 184. Smith, ‘Religious Segregation,’ 570.
  • 185. G. Fontana, ‘Religious Education after Conflicts: Promoting Social Cohesion or Entrenching Plurality?’, Compare, October 2015, http:// www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03057925.2015.1099422
  • 186. Morgan and Fraser, ‘When Does ‘Good News’ Become ‘Bad News’?,’ 370.
  • 187. Dunn and Morgan, ‘A Fraught Path,’ 146.
  • 188. Belfast Telegraph, 15/03/1989, qtd. in B.K. Lambkin, Opposite Religions Still?, 80.
  • 189. Smith, ‘Religious Segregation,’ 565.
  • 190. Dunn and Morgan, ‘A Fraught Path,’ 146.
  • 191. Arlow, ‘Citizenship Education’, in Tawil and Harley (eds.), Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, 271.
  • 192. Smith, ‘Education and Conflict,’ in Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict, 180.
  • 193. Ibid., 171.
  • 194. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Iraq’s Constitution of 2005,’ 675.
  • 195. Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Act 2006.
  • 196. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement. Part 1,’ 57.
  • 197. Andrew Finlay, ‘Anthropology Misapplied? The Culture Concept and the Peace Process in Ireland,’ Anthropology in Action 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 2; Andrew Finlay, ‘The Persistence of the ‘Old’ Idea of Culture and the Peace Process in Ireland,’ Critique of Anthropology, no. 28 (2008): 281.
  • 198. Stephen Farry, qtd. in Oberschall, Conflict and Peace Building, 179.
  • 199. McGarry and O’Leary, ‘Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland’s Conflict, and Its Agreement Part 2,’ 275.
  • 200. Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity, Economic, Social and Cultural Issues, Art.4, Belfast Agreement.
  • 201. Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity, Reconciliation and Victims of Violence, Art.13, Belfast Agreement.
  • 202. United Nations Economic and Social Council, The Right to Education. Report Submitted by Katarina Tomasevski, Special Rapporteur, in Accordance with Commission Resolution 2002/23. Mission to the United Kingdom (Northern Ireland) 24 November-1 December 2002 (Geneva: United Nations, 2003): 6.
  • 203. Personal Communication with Ex-Principal in a Catholic Maintained School, 21/02/2013; Interview with Chris Hazzard (Sinn Fein MLA and Member of the Education Committee), Belfast, 18/09/2013. Darby, ‘Divisiveness of Education,’ 5; Interview with Tony Gallagher (Pro-Vice Chancellor, Queen’s University Belfast), Belfast, 26/02/2013.
  • 204. Simpson and Daly, ‘Politics and Education,’ 173; Interview with Danny Kinahan (Ulster Unionist Party MLA and Member of the Education Committee), Belfast, 19/09/2013; Interview with Mervyn Storey (Democratic Unionist Party MLA, Chair of Education Committee), Belfast, 27/02/2013.
  • 205. Simpson and Daly, ‘Politics and Education,’ 172; Department ofEducation Northern Ireland, Timeline on the Development of Transfer Policy, http:// www.deni.gov.uk/index/schools-and-infrastructure-2/admission-and- transport/6-post-primary-transfer-and-wider-reform.htm; Tony Gallagher,

‘Results of the Consultation on the Burns Report’, paper presented to the Graduate School of Education, Queen’s University Belfast, 6/12/2002.

  • 206. Ibid., 173.
  • 207. Alan Smith, ‘Education and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland,’ paper presented at the Annual Conference of the American Education Research Association (Montreal: Conflict Archive on the Internet Web Service,
  • 1999) : 9.
  • 208. Akenson, Education and Enmity, 19.
  • 209. I bid, 193.
  • 210. Ian Briza, Minority Rights in Yugoslavia (London: Minority Rights Group,
  • 2000) : 7.
  • 211. Bieber, ‘Bosnia-Herzegovina,’ 271; Franke Wilmer, The SocialConstruction of Man, Ihe State and War: Identity, Conflict and Violence in Former Yugoslavia (New York: Routledge, 2002): 47.
  • 212. Iohn R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
  • 213. Peter John Georgeoff, The Educational System of Yugoslavia (Washington: National Institute of Education, US Department of Education, 1982), 9; Victor Roudometof, Collective Memory, National Identity and Ethnic Conflict (Westport: Praeger, 2002), 197.
  • 214. Lampe, Yugoslavia, 94.
  • 215. Ibid., 114.
  • 216. Ibid.; Lampe, Yugoslavia, 187.
  • 217. Ibid., 145-146.
  • 218. Wolfgang Hopken, ‘History Education and Yugoslav (Dis-) Integration,’ in Melissa K. Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, and Carol S. Lilly (eds.), State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945-1992 (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1997): 81.
  • 219. Lampe, Yugoslavia, 146, 188.
  • 220. Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, a History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008): 249; Ben Fowkes, Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict in the Post-Communist World (London: Palgrave, 2002): 57.
  • 221. Lampe, Yugoslavia, 140-141, 114.
  • 222. This was the case particularly the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (VMRO), Lampe, Yugoslavia, 140-141.
  • 223. Aydin Babuna, ‘The Albanians of Kosovo and Macedonia: Ethnic Identity Superseding Religion,’ Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (2000): 68.
  • 224. The 1923 Treaty of Lausanne regulated population transfers with Turkey after World War I. Gezim Krasniqi, ‘The ‘Forbidden Fruit’: Islam and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo and Macedonia,’ Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 11, no. 2 (2011): 193-194; Fowkes, Ethnicity, 57.
  • 225. Babuna, ‘The Albanians,’ 68-69.
  • 226. Ibid., 69.
  • 227. Iohn Phillips, Macedonia. Warlords and Rebels in the Balkans (London: Yale University Press, 2004): 35; Fowkes, Ethnicity, 58.
  • 228. Fowkes, Ethnicity, 58.
  • 229. ‘Bratstvo i jedinstvo’ was a Yugoslavia’s foremost motto. See: Ronny Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic ofMacedonia: Education as a Political Phenomenon, Nordem Report (Oslo: Norwegian Centre for Human Rights, 2005), 3.
  • 230. The most notable example of unrecognized ethnic group are the Roma.
  • 231. Sasho Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 52; Wilmer, The SocialConstruction, 42.
  • 232. Hopken, ‘History Education’, in Bokovoy et al. (eds.), State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 82.
  • 233. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO,1952): 318.
  • 234. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO,1952): 320; International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO, 1959): 496-497.
  • 235. Iohn Georgeoff, ‘Social Studies in Yugoslav Elementary Schools,’ The Elementary School Journal 66, no. 8 (1966): 436; John Georgeoff, ‘Nationalism in the History Textbooks of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria,’ Comparative Education R.eview 10, no. 3 (1966): 442.
  • 236. Hopken, ‘History Education’, in Bokovoy et al. (eds.), State-Society R.elations in Yugoslavia, 81-82; Klaus Buchenau, ‘What Went Wrong? Church-State Relations in Socialist Yugoslavia,’ Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity 33, no. 4 (2005): 551.
  • 237. Georgeoff, ‘Social Studies,’ 434, 436; Georgeoff, ‘Nationalism,’ 446.
  • 238. International Bureau of Education, Annuaire international, 167.
  • 239. Ibid., 166.
  • 240. International Bureau of Education, International Yearbook of Education (Geneva: UNESCO, 1953): 382.
  • 241. Paul Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question (London: Columbia University Press, 1968): 189.
  • 242. Phillips, Macedonia, 41.
  • 243. Rossos, Macedonia, 250; Stefan Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia: 19431953. Building the Party, the State and the Nation,’ in Bokovoy et al. (eds.), State-Society R.elations in Yugoslavia, 245-246.
  • 244. Shoup, Communism, 159.
  • 245. Phillips, Macedonia, 41.
  • 246. Paolo Quercia, ‘Bordeline Religion: The Role of Churches in Balkan Nation Building,’ CeMiSS Quarterly II, no. 1 (2004), 24-25.
  • 247. Christian Voss, ‘The Macedonian Standard Language: Tito-Yugoslav Experiment or Symbol for ‘Great Macedonian’ Ethnic Inclusion?,’ paper presented at the conference on Language and the Future of Europe: Ideologies, Policies and Practices, University of Southampton, 2004.
  • 248. Shoup, Communism, 178-179; Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia’, in Bokovoy et al. (eds.), State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 255.
  • 249. Rossos, Macedonia, 252.
  • 250. According to the 1948 census, Albanians accounted for 17.1 % of the total population of the republic of Macedonia. Ibid., 256-257.
  • 251. Nazif Mandaci, ‘Turks of Macedonia: The Travails of the ‘Smaller’ Minority,’ Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 27, no. 1 (2007): 6-7.
  • 252. Shoup, Communism, 194.
  • 253. Babuna, ‘The Albanians,’ 69-70.
  • 254. Rossos, Macedonia, 288-289.
  • 255. Babuna, ‘The Albanians,’ 69.
  • 256. Vasiliki P. Neofotistos, ‘Beyond Stereotypes: Violence and the Porousness of Ethnic Boundaries in the Republic of Macedonia,’ History and Anthropology 15, no. 1 (2004): 60.
  • 257. Ibid.
  • 258. Fabian Schmidt, ‘Ethnic Albanians: Balancing the Power Triangle,’ Transitions Online, 26/05/1995.
  • 259. Ellen Comisso, ‘Now That the Fighting in the Balkans Is over, Did We Learn Anything? A Retrospective Analysis of Yugoslavia’s Dissolution,’ paper presented at the conference on East European Studies, Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars, 20/04/2005.
  • 260. Wilmer, The Social Construction, 45. Babuna, ‘The Albanians,’ 71.
  • 261. Georgeoff, The Educational System of Yugoslavia, 24, 10, 19.
  • 262. Ibid.; Hopken, ‘History Education’, in Bokovoy et al. (eds.), State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 88; Lampe, Yugoslavia, 334.
  • 263. Ibid., 333.
  • 264. Hopken, ‘History Education’, in Bokovoy et al. (eds.), State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 82-84.
  • 265. Ibid., 89.
  • 266. Ibid., 89-91.
  • 267. Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 25.
  • 268. Rossos, Macedonia, 289. Phillips, Macedonia, 45.
  • 269. Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 4; Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, ‘Minority Protection in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Will It Preserve the State?,’ Cambridge Review ofInternational Affairs 12, no. 2 (1999): 142; Barany, ‘Ethnic Mobilisation in the Postcommunist Context,’ in Barany and Moser (eds.), Ethnic Politics after Communism, 89; Neofotistos, ‘Beyond Stereotypes,’ 61.
  • 270. Phillips, Macedonia, 45; Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic ofMacedonia, 25-26.
  • 271. Phillips, Macedonia, 45.
  • 272. Ingrid Vik, Divided Communities: A Study of Inter-Ethnic Relations and Minority Rights in Macedonia (Oslo: The Norwegian Helsinki Committee,
  • 2001): 46.
  • 273. Bieber, ‘Bosnia-Herzegovina,’ 271.
  • 274. Wilmer, The Social Construction, 46.
  • 275. Ibid., 26.
  • 276. Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 24.
  • 277. Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 27; Ramet, Balkan Babel, 184; Sabrina P. Ramet, Balkan Babel. The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to the Fall of Milosevic (Boulder: Westview Press, 2002): 184.
  • 278. Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘The Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement,’ 10.
  • 279. Phillips, Macedonia, 15.
  • 280. Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 31.
  • 281. Hugh Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians? (London: Hurst, 1995): 172; International Crisis Group, Macedonias Ethnic Albanians: Bridging the Gulf (Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2000): 9.
  • 282. Rossos, Macedonia, 278.
  • 283. Brunnbauer, ‘The Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement,’ 9.
  • 284. International Crisis Group, Macedonia’s Ethnic Albanians, 7. Poulton, Who are the Macedonians?, 184. Quercia, ‘Bordeline Religion,’ 25.
  • 285. Ann Low-Beer, Report. Seminar on ‘the Reform of History Teaching: Curriculum, Textbook and Teacher Training. Mavrovo, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 19-21 October 1999 (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 1999): 6.
  • 286. Phillips, Macedonia, 58. This refers to the Pirin and Aegean portions of historic Macedonia, occupied in 1913.
  • 287. Merle Vetterlein, ‘The Influence of the Ohrid Framework Agreement on the Educational Policy of the Republic of Macedonia,’ paper presented at the 8th Annual Kokkalis Graduate Student Workshop, Cambridge, 2-3/02/2006, 9.
  • 288. Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 187, 183.
  • 289. Brunnbauer, ‘The Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement,’ 10.
  • 290. Mandaci, ‘Turks of Macedonia,’ 8.
  • 291. International Crisis Group, The Macedonian Question: Reform or R.ebellion (Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2001): 19.
  • 292. Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 138. For a fuller discussion of motivations for the boycott, including Albanian resistance to a potential Macedonian realignment with Serbia, see: Jenny Engstrom, ‘MultiEthnicity or Bi-Nationalism? The Framework Agreement and the Future of the Macedonian State,’ Journal of Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, no. 1 (2002).
  • 293. Figures vary between 72 percent and 99 percent in favour out of over 276,000 voters. Ramet, Balkan Babel, 189; Maria-Eleni Koppa, ‘Ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Between Nationality and Citizenship,’ Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 7, no. 4 (2001): 44; Fowkes, Ethnicity, 118.
  • 294. Babuna, ‘The Albanians,’ 80-81.
  • 295. Risto Karajkov, ‘Roma in Macedonia: A Decade of Inconclusion?,’ Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso, 16/05/2005; From 4 percent in 1993 to over 7 percent in 1997, Sidiropoulos, ‘Minority Protection,’ 146.
  • 296. Vetterlein, ‘The Influence of the Ohrid Framework Agreement’, 11; Fabian Schmidt, ‘Macedonia: From National Consensus to Pluralism,’ Transitions Online, 29/03/1995; Duncan M. Perry, ‘Republic of Macedonia: On the Road to Stability - or Destruction?,’ Transitions Online, 25/08/1995; Schmidt, ‘Macedonia’: 79.
  • 297. Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 58; Perry, ‘Republic of Macedonia’.
  • 298. Koppa, ‘Ethnic Albanians,’ p. 51.
  • 299. Perry, ‘Republic of Macedonia’; Premysl Rosulek, ‘Macedonia in 2011 - on the Way Towards Stabilisation or before the New ‘Grand Agreement’?,’ in Marja Risteska and Zhidas Daskalovski (eds.), One Decade after the Ohrid Agreement: Lessons (to Be) Learned from the Macedonian Experience (Skopje: Centre for Research and Policymaking 2011): 72.
  • 300. Perry, ‘Republic of Macedonia’; Koppa, ‘Ethnic Albanians,’ 50-51.
  • 301. Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 171.
  • 302. Mandaci, ‘Turks of Macedonia,’ 12.
  • 303. Neofotistos, ‘Beyond Stereotypes,’ 52.
  • 304. I bid.
  • 305. Perry, ‘Republic of Macedonia’.
  • 306. Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 142.
  • 307. Stojan Andov, qtd. in International Crisis Group, Macedonia: The Last Chance for Peace (Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2001), 19.
  • 308. Phillips, Macedonia, 87, 90.
  • 309. Engstrom, ‘Multi-Ethnicity or Bi-Nationalism?,’ 11.
  • 310. Florian Bieber, ‘Introduction,’ in Risteska and Daskalovski (eds.), One Decade after the Ohrid Agreement, 20; Nadege Ragaru, ‘The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Between Ohrid and Brussels,’ in Judy Batt (ed.), Is There an Albanian Question? (Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies, 2008): 44.
  • 311. Engstrom, ‘Multi-Ethnicity or Bi-Nationalism?,’ 17.
  • 312. Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 11-12.
  • 313. Article 6.1 of the Ohrid Agreement, Article 48 of the Constitution.
  • 314. Article 6.3, Ohrid Agreement.
  • 315. Ragaru, ‘The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, in Batt (ed.), Is There an Albanian Question?, 45.
  • 316. Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 18.
  • 317. Ministry of Education and Science, National Programme for the Development ofEducation in the Republic ofMacedonia 2005-2015 (Skopje: Ministry of Education and Science, 2004): 44.
  • 318. Law on Primary Education, qtd. in Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Macedonia, Manual for the Prevention and Protection against Discrimination in the Educational System in the R.epublic of Macedonia (Skopje: Ministry of Education and Science, 2010): 23; Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Macedonia, Steps Towards Integrated Education, 2010, 3 and in Ministry of Education and Science, National Programme for the Development of Education in the Republic ofMacedonia 2005-2015, 45.
  • 319. Koppa, ‘Ethnic Albanians,’ 58.
  • 320. Rosulek, ‘Macedonia in 2011’ in Risteska and Daskalovski (eds.), One Decade after the Ohrid Agreement, 68.
  • 321. Engstrom, ‘Multi-Ethnicity or Bi-Nationalism?,’ 2; Myhrvold, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 9; Ripiloski, Conflict in Macedonia, 118.
  • 322. Ibid., 118.
  • 323. Giuditta Fontana, ‘State Building and Religious Education in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, in Hanf, Theodor and Karim El Mufti (eds.), Policies and Politics of Teaching Religion (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013). See also Fontana, ‘Religious Education after Conflicts.’
  • 324. Bieber, ‘Introduction,’ 21.
  • 325. Engstrom, ‘Multi-Ethnicity or Bi-Nationalism?,’ 9; The position of the Turkish community is well explained in Mandaci, ‘Turks of Macedonia.’
  • 326. Ragaru, ‘The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, in Batt (ed.), Is There an Albanian Question?, 48.
  • 327. Phillips, Macedonia, 70.
 
Source
< Prev   CONTENTS   Source   Next >